China’s academic blacklist

It’s a disturbing trend that shouldn’t come as any shock to anyone in the circle of foreign-based China researchers: step over the line and risk losing your access.

Paul Mooney writes in The National (h/t CDT) about the problems certain academics face when they run afoul of the anti-intellectual hacks generally in charge of such things here in the PRC.  The article cites a number of prominent scholars, including Perry Link and a personal favorite of mine, James Millward, whose Beyond the Pass is one of the great accounts of the Qing conquest of Χinjiang.  It was not Professor Millward’s historical work which got him in trouble, but rather his contributions to the book Χinjiang: China’s Muslim Borderland which landed him, four years later and counting, on the outside looking in:

“It’s far easier to put the kibosh on someone than to lift it,” said James Millward, a professor of history at Georgetown University and a contributor to the book.

All of the scholars, with the exception of one, have been refused visas to China, with only a few exceptions for special circumstances.

The message – which worried China scholars around the world – was clear. There are topics China will not tolerate discussion on

Bernard-Henri Lévy on the sins of the political left in Darfur

From a speech given at the PEN World Voices Festival of International Literature, on April 29, 2008, at Flourence Gould Hall in NYC, and republished in the June issue of Guernica:

In a few words—and maybe we will discuss this more deeply in the conversation later—we are here facing a sort of perverse effect of three great modern ideas. A sort of paradoxical and counter-effect of three great ideas, which are: anti-racism, anti-colonialism, and the fight against imperialism, three great ideas—among the best which have been produced in the 20th century. In this case, by a sort of ruse of history, they [have] produced a very strange effect.

Anti-racism: you have a huge part of the population in America and in Europe, who believe, as a sort of Pavlovian reflex, that these sort of murders, these sort of genocides, can only be committed by ugly, stupid, white men. As we did: white men in Auschwitz, in the Gulag, and so on, which is undoubtedly true. There is the idea that such mass murders committed by people who were themselves victims of racism [for] such a long time is a sort of contradiction in terms.

Anti-colonialism: we have been bred in the

And the Lord spoke, and He said: “Park your car and shut yer mouth.”

And it has come down from on high…the Beijing municipal government today unveiled its long anticipated if not especially eagerly awaited Olympic traffic plan. Odd number. Even number. It won’t matter. What does matter is that we can forget about getting a cab on a weekday downtown. Just start walking now, you’ll get to where you’re going eventually.

The Historical Record for June 20: “In Industry, Learn from Daqing”

Why Daqing? Well, the Party claimed it was the spirit of hard work, self-reliance, plus selfless devotion to party, country, and Mao Zedong thought which was responsible for Daqing’s incredible productivity. That said, it probably didn’t hurt that they struck oil there in 1959.

Competing nationalisms in Northeast Asia

In an op-ed piece published in today’s International Herald Tribune, Philip Bowring warns that for all the attention paid to popular nationalism among Chinese youth, nationalism in Korea potentially could be just as damaging to regional stability.

While the recent flap over imports of U.S. beef dominates the headlines and the US-ROK strategic partnership remains a sore subject for many Koreans, I would argue that it is the relationship between Korea and its larger neighbor China that is the most fraught with the complications of extreme popular nationalism.

Korea and China have had long historic ties dating back to a time before there was even a “China” or a “Korea” as we understand those terms today, and that gets us to the crux of the problem: the extension back through time of present day national boundaries, definitions of ethnicity, and geopolitical concerns.

For all their historical links with China, Koreans sometimes like to see themselves as kin, however distant, of the non-Han peoples of mainland Northeast Asia now under Chinese and Russian rule.

The surge in national sentiment owes much to the fact that few southerners now see North Korea as a real threat. Pity has replaced fear. But China

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